Noted in SDS for his Mafia-style organizational techniques, Klonsky reorganized his closest clique partners from SDS days (i.e., his wife, sister-in-law and brother–no wonder the OL defends the family as a “fighting unit for socialism”!) into the Los Angeles RYM-II collective. Klonsky solved the problem of how to “give up” this privilege for himself by dropping the theory a few months later, along with his youth-vanguardist “revolutionary youth movement” strategy, in favor of more orthodox Maoism. ![]() Just how this would be accomplished in practice was never explained, although in his inimitable “dumb-worker” style Klonsky would declare that anyone who didn’t recognize the existence of a black nation was a “mother-f–in’ racist”. ![]() Consequently, they could be won to class consciousness only after somehow metaphysically “renouncing” this privilege. ![]() In the course of his elaborate maneuvers to “Stop PL” at all costs, Klonsky became a leading spokesman for the RYM-II fetish of “white skin privilege.” According to this remarkable “theory,” first put forward by Ted Allen (leader of the Harpers Ferry Organization), white workers, although not directly part of the camp of the class enemy, as Weatherman argued, are a labor aristocracy. Wells was a leader of the Southern Student Organizing Committee. Klonsky, son of a CP bureaucrat, was earlier an anarchist, then head of pre-split SDS and the leading RYM-II spokesman in 1969. Both of these local collectives originated in the RYM-II section of 1969 SDS (see article on the RU in WV No. The present October League is the result of a fusion in May 1972 of Klonsky’s Los Angeles October League and the Georgia Communist League headed by Lynn Wells. In the ensuing competition the OL is likely to come off the worse, partly because of the RU’s larger size, and partly because of the inherent irrationality of trying to build a tendency around the politically footloose Mike Klonsky. Nevertheless, these ambitions are quite ferocious, and we will undoubtedly soon see new “theoretical” justifications for the continued separate existence of two right-Maoist national organizations. United by the reformist logic of their Stalinist politics, their desired roles as running dogs of the Chinese bureaucracy and their iron determination to tail after every available left-talking faker in the unions and elsewhere, the RU and OL are today separated only by the organizational ambitions of their respective leaders. The subsequent evolution of the OL, however, revealed the differences between the two organizations to be at most quantitative and temporary. In the early months of its existence the October League attempted to pose as a left opposition to the openly right-Maoist Revolutionary Union. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work as well as make derivative and commercial works. ![]() Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul SabaĬopyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. Workers Vanguard New Left Maoism: Long March to Peaceful Coexistence The October Leagueįirst Published: Workers Vanguard No. The October League Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line
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